DURING the second world war a new term of abuse entered the English language. To call someone a little Hitler meant he was a menial functionary who employed what power he had in order to annoy and frustrate others for his own gratification. From nightclub bouncers to the squaddies at Abu Ghraib prison who tormented their prisoners for fun, little Hitlers plague the world. The phenomenon has not, though, hitherto been subject to scientific investigation.
Nathanael Fast of the University of Southern California has changed that. He observed that lots of psychological experiments have been done on the effects of status and lots on the effects of power. But few, if any, have been done on both combined. He and his colleagues Nir Halevy of Stanford University and Adam Galinsky of Northwestern University, in Chicago, set out to correct this. In particular they wanted to see if it is circumstances that create little Hitlers or, rather, whether people of that type simply gravitate into jobs which allow them to behave badly. Their results have just been published in the Journal of Experimental Social Psychology.
Dr Fasts experiment randomly assigned each of 213 participants to one of four situations that manipulated their status and power. All participants were informed that they were taking part in a study on virtual organisations and would be interacting with, but not meeting, a fellow student who worked in the same fictional consulting firm. Participants were then assigned either the role of idea producer, a job that entailed generating and working with important ideas, or of worker, a job that involved menial tasks like checking for typos. A post-experiment questionnaire demonstrated that participants did, as might be expected, look upon the role of idea producer with respect and admiration. Equally unsurprisingly, they looked down on the role of worker.
To manipulate their power, participants were told there would be a draw for a $50 bonus prize at the end of the study and that, regardless of their role, each participant would be able to dictate which activities his partner must engage in to qualify to enter the draw. Participants that Dr Fast wanted to imbue with a sense of power were informed that one other element of their role involved dictating which hoops their partners would have to jump through in order to qualify for the draw, and that they controlled the amount of effort the partner had to exert in order to win the $50. They were also told that the partner did not have any such control over them. In contrast, low-power participants were informed that while they had the ability to determine the hoops their partner had to jump through, that partner ultimately had more control because he could remove the low-power participants name from the raffle if he did not like the hoops selected.
Participants were then presented with a list of ten hoops and told to select as many as they liked (but a minimum of one) for their partner to jump through. Unknown to the participants, Dr Halevy and Dr Galinsky had conducted an independent test, using 58 people not involved in the main study, to rate how demeaning, humiliating, degrading, embarrassing and uncomfortable each of the ten possible activities actually was. Five of the ten were rated as deeply demeaning. These included things like: say I am filthy five times and bark like a dog three times. The other five were not considered particularly demeaning. They included: tell the experimenter a funny joke and clap your hands 50 times.
Participants who had both status and power did not greatly demean their partners. They chose an average of 0.67 demeaning activities for those partners to perform. Low-power/low-status and low-power/high-status participants behaved similarly. They chose, on average, 0.67 and 0.85 demeaning activities. However, participants who were low in status but high in powerthe classic little Hitler combinationchose an average of 1.12 deeply demeaning tasks for their partners to engage in. That was a highly statistically significant distinction.
Of course, not everybody in the high-power/low-status quadrant of the experiment behaved badly. Underlying personality may still have a role. But as with previous experiments in which random members of the public have been asked to play prison guard or interrogator, Dr Fasts result suggests that many quite ordinary people will succumb to bad behaviour if the circumstances are right.
【重点单词及短语】
functionary adj. 公务员的;官员的
gratification n. 喜悦;满意
plague n. 瘟疫;灾祸;麻烦;讨厌的人 v. 折磨;使苦恼;使得灾祸
hitherto adv. 迄今;至今
gravitate v. 受引力作用;被吸引
manipulate v. 操纵;操作;巧妙地处理;篡改
interact with 与相互作用
entail v. 必需,使承担;限定继承
imbue with 灌输;充满
hoop v. 加箍于;包围
demeaning adj. 有损人格的;降低身份的
underlying adj. 潜在的;根本的
succumb v. 屈服
Question time:
1. Whats a little Hitler?
2. What did Dr Fasts experiment imply?
雅思写作素材:Obamanomics
雅思写作真题范文:frequency repetition
雅思写作话题提纲:分别教育
雅思写作范文:学习历史是否有价值
雅思议论文写作经典范文:语言学习
雅思写作8分范文:人生的烦恼
雅思写作话题提纲:禁烟
雅思写作同义替换词汇100个(1)
雅思写作经典范文:论述你心目中的老师
雅思写作同义替换词汇100个(2)
雅思图表写作范文:城市地铁系统的特点
雅思写作话题提纲:老年人问题
详解雅思写作的“黄金结构”
雅思写作思路指导:国际资讯课
雅思写作语法知识:句子分类
雅思写作需要遵循的七项原则
雅思写作话题思路指导:孩子承受广告压力
雅思写作思路指导:教孩子如何做好公民
雅思写作话题解析:音乐对人的影响构思
雅思写作议论文精彩句型10句
雅思写作思路指导:专业 vs 专业+辅修
雅思写作材料:年轻男士应具有的新形象
雅思流程图的写作思路讲解
雅思写作思路详解(附实例范文)
雅思写作中的经典笑话
雅思写作图表范文:美国婚姻状况
雅思写作思路指导:计算机vs老师
雅思写作话题提纲:维护博物馆
刘瑜:雅思写作真题解析
雅思写作经典范文:语言学习的方法
| 不限 |
| 英语教案 |
| 英语课件 |
| 英语试题 |
| 不限 |
| 不限 |
| 上册 |
| 下册 |
| 不限 |