Germany s victorious Greens A greener future?明天会更绿?
Two state elections have upturned German politics两个州的选举反转德国政局
THE Greens are the against party. They are againsta flashy rail project in Stuttgart, against nuclearpower and, say their critics, against progress andgrowth. Yet on March 27th the partys defiance paidoff in stunning fashion. German angst over thenuclear disaster in Japan crested just as two south-western states held elections. In Rhineland-Palatinatethe Green vote tripled, vaulting the party into government as junior partner of the SocialDemocratic Party , which had previously ruled alone. In Baden-Wrttemberg 58 years ofgovernment by the Christian Democratic Union came to an end. The Greens will now takecontrol of a state government for the first time.
德国的绿党是个反对党。他们反对斯图加特花哨的铁路工程,反对核能,而且据他们批评者称,他们反对发展进步。然而,就在3月27号这一天,他们的反抗获得了惊人的回报。西南部两个州举行选举之时,正值德国民众因日本核危机而担忧,在莱茵兰普法尔茨州,绿党的得票数增至原来的三倍,使其成为该州原本唯一的执政党社会民主党新的联合执政党。在巴登符腾堡州,执政长达58年的基民盟面临下台。绿党将首次成为该州的执政党。
This almost-unthinkable result is a big blow to Angela Merkel, the chancellor and CDU leader,who has lost the partys crown jewel. Her pre-election decision to shut down seven nuclear-power plants looked panicky rather than principled, and may have made matters worse for theCDU. The elections were an even bigger setback for her coalition partner, the Free Democrats.But the SPD also has little to cheer about: its share of the vote was the lowest in half acentury in Rhineland-Palatinate and the lowest ever in Baden-Wrttemberg, where it will becomethe junior coalition partner. Only the Greens have reason to celebrate.
这个意想不到的结果对安吉拉??默克尔是一个巨大的打击。作为德国总理和基民盟领袖,她失去了基民盟执政的一个传统重镇。她在选举前决定关闭七座核电站。这个决定更像是仓促之举而不是坚持原则,并使得基民盟的情势更糟。选举结果对她的执政伙伴自民党是个更大的挫折。然而社民党也没有什么值得庆贺的:他们在莱茵兰普法尔茨州的得票率降至半个世纪以来的最低点;在巴符州的得票率则是有史以来的最低点。这使得社民党成为巴符州绿党的联合执政党。只有绿党有欢庆的理由。
The partys offices in Stuttgart, Baden-Wrttembergs capital, look readier for protests anddemonstrations than for the assumption of government responsibility. Yellow drums done upto look like nuclear-waste containers are stacked by the door. Bamboo poles for hoistingbanners rest against them. Yet the ready-to-rally impression is somewhat misleading. Baden-Wrttembergs Greens are on the partys extreme realist wing, says Dieter Fuchs of theUniversity of Stuttgart.The incoming premier, Winfried Kretschmann, belongs to the CentralCommittee of German Catholics and to a traditional shooting club. His down-to-earth Swabianmanner matches the states spirit better than did the conservative pugnacity of StefanMappus, the premier he defeated. The export-oriented Mittelstand has nothing to fear, hesuggests. You can be in the black with green ideas, he said in an interview shortly before theelection.
位于巴符州省会斯图加特市的绿党办公部门,看起来更像是在为抗议和示威作准备,而不是承担政府责任。做成核废料集装箱样子的黄色大鼓堆放在门口,对面放着举旗的竹竿。这种即将举行集会的印象多少会让人产生误解。斯图加特大学的迪特尔??福克斯说,巴符州的绿党属于该党中的极端现实主义派系。即将上台的总理温弗里德??科瑞奇曼是德国天主教徒中央委员会成员,并加入了一个传统射击俱乐部。他的斯瓦比亚现实主义做派,与败北的前总理史蒂芬??马普斯的保守好战相比,更契合该州的精神。他暗示出口导向型的中小企业无需恐慌。你可以做一个持绿色观点的黑党。他在选举即将开始前的采访中说道。
That is what he must now prove if the Greens are tobe more than a one-term wonder. Voters rewardedthem for their stance on nuclear power. But onissues that usually matter more, like jobs, economicpolicy and education, they rate the Greens below theCDU and even the SPD.
这正是他现在必须向大家证明的一点如果绿党不想让自己的胜利只是昙花一现。选民因为他们在核能上的立场而支持他们。然而在更重要的问题例如工作、经济政策和教育上,他们认为绿党的能力不如基民盟,甚至是社民党。
Mr Kretschmann cannot do much on nuclear power,because it is a federal domain.Two of Baden-Wrttembergs four nuclear reactors were turnedoff after the Japanese disaster, which is both a curse and a blessing for the new government.Mr Mappus recently paid 5 billion for a 45% stake in their operator. The Greenscontribution is a planned energy transformation, to be achieved partly by speeding upapprovals for wind turbines. The state CDU had resisted wind farms, which it derided forproducing the Verspargelung of the countryside, the sort of gibe that onehears more often from Green protesters. Now the Greens must promote progress that othersrecognise as such.
科瑞奇曼很难在核能问题上有所作为,因为这属于联邦的负责领域。巴符州四座核反应堆中,有两个在日本核危机发生后被关闭。这对于新的政府来说喜忧参半。马普斯最近拨款50亿马克作为他们经营者45%的股份。绿党的贡献则是一个能量转换计划。该计划部分通过加快批准风力涡轮机而实现。该州的基民盟曾反对风力发电厂,并嘲笑它们是乡下生产 Verspargelung 的。这种讥讽的话经常可以从绿党抗议者那里听到。现在,绿党必须取得能为其他政党所认可的进步。
The problem, Mr Kretschmann and his party think, is that the government is too bossy. Heproposes a citizen society that would recruit ordinary people to collaborate on big projects.He wants to lower hurdles for initiating referendums, to bring people into the early stages ofproject planning and to strengthen the legislature, which under the CDU was subservient tothe executive. The big test is Stuttgart 21, a rail project that provoked months of massprotests that the Greens joined but the SPD did not. After a stress test to see if Stuttgart 21can do what it promises, both parties want a referendum. Any outcome may discomfit MrKretschmann. If the project is stopped, Baden-Wrttemberg will be forced to pay contractorshundreds of millions in fees that it can ill afford. If not, the new premier may find himself boringtunnels while his former comrades march in protest overhead.
科瑞奇曼和他的政党认为,问题在于政府过于专制。他认为,一个公民社会应该允许普通公民参与协作重大项目。他希望能降低初选投票的门槛,从而让更多人参与到项目计划的早期阶段。他还希望加强立法机构的职能。他指出,基民盟执政时期,立法机构只是执行部门的附庸。一个铁路工程斯图加特21是对政党的一个重大考验。绿党参加了由该工程引发的持续数月的群众抗议,而社民党没有。在对斯图加特21是否能履行承诺进行了一个压力测试后,两个政党都希望进行全民公投。无论结果如何都会使科瑞奇曼为难。如果项目被中止,巴符州需要向承包商偿付数亿费用,而这对它难以承受。如果项目不中止,新总理则不得不继续一项他的同僚曾游行抗议的项目。
In government the Greens will inevitably suffer wearand tear. Relations with the SPD, happy to be inpower but shocked not to be in charge, may betricky. Some of the Greens goals, like scrappinguniversity-tuition fees, clash with others, such asnarrowing the budget deficit. But the opportunityis great. The party has been trying to escape fromits environmental ghetto. If Mr Kretschmannmanages Germanys showcase economy well, it willhelp.
在政府中,绿党不可避免的遭遇摩擦。和社民党的关系以及兴奋过后发现竟然不能掌权,这些都是棘手的问题。绿党的一些目标会与其他政党产生冲突。然而机遇还是一片大好。绿党正在努力跳出其环保主义的狭隘圈子。如果科瑞奇曼能够搞定德国表面上的经济问题,将对此大有裨益。
Nuclear panic alone does not explain the Greens success. The party appeals most to groupswhose share of the electorate is growing: relatively young, middle-class urbanites with a goodeducation. Its leadership is a harmonious quartet, two men and two women who appeal todifferent groups of voters, notes Oskar Niedermayer of Berlins Free University. It has shed itsradicalism and, at least in theory, now embraces economic growth. It is now clearly in double-digit territory, says Mr Niedermayer. It is far from being a broad-based Volkspartei like theCDU and SPD, but it is happy in its expanding niche.
对核能的恐慌并不能解释绿党全部的胜利原因。该政党对日益庞大的相对年轻、受过良好教育的城市中产阶级选民群体最具吸引力。他的领导班子是一个和谐的四重奏:两男两女。他们各自吸引着不同的选民群体。而奥斯卡??内德梅耶则来自柏林自由大学。他们已经流露出自己的激进主义,并至少在理论上承诺经济增长,并将其 明确在两位数的范围,内德梅耶说。它与经验老道的基民盟以及社民党相比尚有很大差距,然而他们在自己扩张的领域中自得其乐。
As for Mrs Merkel, she is bruised but not broken. The CDU remains the largest party in Baden-Wrttemberg and it almost beat the SPD in Rhineland-Palatinate. There are not that manycountries where a party in government is stable at 35-37% nationwide, says Peter Altmaier, aCDU leader in the Bundestag. The chancellors rivals within the CDU have either resigned orlost elections. For the first time she no longer has natural enemies in the party, says MrAltmaier. Now she is free to develop her own project a little bit more clearly than in the past.
对于默克尔而言,她大受挫折但还不至于一败涂地。基民盟仍是巴符州最大的政党,而且,在莱茵兰普法尔茨州,他们差一点就可以击败社民党。联邦议院的一位基民盟领导人彼得??奥特梅尔说:一个政党可以在国家35-37%范围内保持稳定执政,这在其他国家并不多见。默克尔在基民盟内部的竞争对手或是辞职或是在选举中落败。她第一次在党内没了对手。奥特梅尔说。现在,她正在比以往略显清晰地自由发展她的计划。
It may sound eerily like the Greens idea: marrying the market economy to sustainability. MrsMerkels hasty abandonment of her governments first energy policy, which was to squeezemore power out of ageing nuclear plants, hurt her credibility. Its successor, she thinks, mayfind new supporters. With the FDP likely to become a more awkward partner , MrsMerkel may need an alternative after the federal election in 2013. The Greens, seasoned bygovernment in Baden-Wrttemberg, might just fit the bill.
将市场经济与可持续发展相结合这听起来有些像绿党的想法。默克尔轻率地抛弃了她起初的能源政策,即利用老化的核工场生产出更多的能源。这使得默克尔信誉受损。她认为,接下来的政策会得到新的合作者的支持。随着与民主自由党执政联盟伙伴关系的恶化,默克尔在联邦选举后需要新的合作伙伴。被巴符州政府调教过的绿党,可能刚好符合要求。
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