2015考研英语阅读全球抗议活动

　　Protests

　　全球抗议活动

　　Not quite together

　　目标不一致

　　Protests are proliferating across the world. Theiraim is not obvious. Nor is how much they matter.

　　抗议活动正扩散至全世界。这些活动没有明确目标，也没有太大意义。

　　THE aims may be incoherent, but the commonthreads are clear. The protests that have mushroomed in over 900 cities in 80-plus countriesover the past few days have voiced few practical demands, and in some cases they actuallyavoid making any. Participants favour the general over the specific. They think need mattersmore than greed. They like decisions by consensus, distrust elites and feel that capitalismspains and gains are unfairly shared. Beyond that, the horizon clouds.

　　虽然抗议活动的目标可能是含糊不清，但是共同的思路是十分明确的。过去一些天里，迅速出现在全球80 多个国家里900多个城市的中的抗议活动所提出的实质性的要求甚少，在某些情况下抗议者们竟然闭口不谈。比起具体目标，抗议者们更喜欢整体性的反抗。他们认为自己的实际需要比贪得无厌更重要。他们喜欢通过共识作出决定，不相信上层集团，认为自己更多地承受着资本主义的痛苦而非享受着它的甘甜。除此之外便没有什么明确的说法了。

　　In many cities the protesters have set up encampments that are meant to last indefinitely; inothers they came and went. Defining where the wave of protests started is hard. Some point toIsrael, where public unhappiness focused on the cost of food, housing and education. Spainsindignados, or indignant ones, still going strong since their start in May, have a claim too. Butthe protesters brand is most firmly linked to New York.Now in its second month, the Occupy Wall Street encampment in Zuccotti Park is already a fixture on the tourist circuit. Visitors can startat the 9/11 Memorial on the site of the World Trade Centre, then stroll up the hill for a picturewith one of the hundreds of protesters. The camp also attracts well-wishers, including famousnames like Salman Rushdie, Susan Sarandon and Naomi Wolf .

　　在很多城市抗议者们设立了营地，打算将抗议活动进行到底。其他一些城市的抗议者们则时来时去。确定此轮抗议大潮的起源地是很困难的。在一定程度上可以说是以色列，当地人民对于飞涨的食品，住房，教育价格怨声载道。西班牙的indignados们，或者说愤怒者们的示威游行自五月份开始以来仍然没有减弱，他们也有自己的宣言。但是世界各地抗议者们的招牌和纽约抗议活动的联系最为密切。占领华尔街运动已经进入第二个月，其位于祖可蒂公园的营地已经是旅游环形路线上的固定地标。游客们从世贸中心遗址上的9.11纪念碑出发，顺着小山走上去和众多抗议者们其中的一些人合影留念。营地也吸引了一些怀有美好祝愿的支持者，包括Salman Rushdie、Susan Sarandon、 Naomi Wolf 等著名人物。

　　In more than one sense, the protest can seem misplaced. Some of the biggest financial firmsleft Wall Street for midtown Manhattan years ago. Aside from the hallmark We are the 99%,the placards on display cover a huge range of causes, many of which have nothing to do withthe underpricing of risk, moral hazard and other faults, real or imagined, of financialcapitalism. Some want to tax the rich, others to decertify business schools. Hostile referencesto Wal-Mart and Starbucks outnumber those to any Wall Street firms.

　　在很多意义上讲，此次抗议活动可以说是不合时宜。一些大的金融公司多年前就离开了华尔街前往曼哈顿中心地区。除了我们是受苦的99%这一典型的口号，他们打出的标语包含很多原因，但是其中很多都和低估风险，道德败坏等这些不管是真实存在的还是想象出来的金融资本主义的缺点无关。有些人希望对富人征税，有些人希望取消商学院的资格。对于沃尔玛和星巴克的恶意攻击比对华尔街公司的声讨还多。

　　The general tone is left-wing, though a lone youth with an End the Fed placard is described asa Ron Paul person, and the libertarian Republican presidential hopeful has at least a handfulof supporters there. Doug Schoen, a pollster for the Democrats, surveyed 200 participantsand found most were well to the left of the American mainstream. Virtually all say theywould support civil disobedience to achieve their goals, and nearly one-third would useviolence if necessary.

　　虽然举着结束美联储标语牌的一个年轻人被描述为支持Ron Paul的人，而且Ron Paul这位有望获胜的自由意志共和党候选人拥有不少支持者，但是抗议的总体基调是偏左的。民主党民意调查员Doug Schoen调查了200位参与者后发现其中大部分人就美国主流价值观念而言思想偏左。几乎是所有人都认为他们都将采用不合作主义达成目标，几乎有三分之一的人认为有必要的话将采用暴力。

　　But even marginal groups can have a big impact in the right circumstances. Some 35% saidthey wanted the Occupy Wall Street movement to do for the Democrats what the tea party had done for the Republicans. Whether such anupheaval would ever increase a partys electability is another question.

　　但是在合适的情况下即使非主流的群体也会产生极大的影响。约35%的人希望占领华尔街运动对于民主党能起到茶党对于共和党的同样的推动作用。但是这样的折腾能否增加一个政党获胜的几率又是另一回事了。

　　For many, the main aim may be to have fun. But the protest is also notable for scrupulousadherence to the sort of democratic values that Alexis de Tocqueville, a French chronicler ofAmerica, loved. A general assembly meets up to twice a day to discuss proposals from workinggroups. Politicians are wary of persecuting such well-disciplined gatherings and the police havelargely stayed their hand. They are happily earning overtime.

　　对于很多人而言，主要就是目标就是玩乐。值得注意的是抗议者们认真遵循着美国编年史作家法国人Alexis deTocqueville所推崇的民主观。他们每天召开两次大会讨论劳动群体的提议。政客们在起诉这些纪律严明的机会方面十分谨慎，警察们大部分时间都放手不管。抗议者们喜欢表现的活跃。

　　What exactly would winning mean?

　　胜利到底意味着什么?

　　The protesters have not said what would make them declarevictory and go home. The first practical proposal, to cancel military operations overseas to payfor a big public-works programme, caused a big row. The easiest way for the protest todevelop may be through more civil disobedience. That stokes feelings of self-righteousness but does little to win wider support. Meanwhile, the protests political effectseems very uncertain. Protesters decry what they see as attempts by politicians, includingBarack Obama, to curry favour with them. Union support, which could add muscle, is patchy.Unions like the Teamsters are visible in New Yorks marches, but their offers of financialsupport are treated warily. In Spain the indignados have fanned fury with the Socialistgovernmentthus helping the centre-right, which is set to win next months election.

　　抗议者们没有说明要达成什么目标才能宣告胜利，解散回家。他们的第一个有实际意义的提议是是取消国外的军事行动，转而资助一项大规模的公共就业项目。该提议引起了大争论。抗议继续进行的最简单的方法或许是通过更多的不合作运动，这样做能够这样做让人们自以为是正人君子，但是就取得更广泛的支持方面成效甚少。同时，抗议者们的政治作用似乎很不确定。他们谴责包括奥巴马在内的政客们试图讨好他们的做法。工会的支持虽然能够增加他们的影响力，但是这样的支持力度不一。诸如Teamsters这样的工会都参与了纽约的游行，但是在经济支持方面他们就表现的十分谨慎。西班牙的愤怒者运动使人们对于社会主义党政府更加不满，因此帮助了右翼政党，他们在下个月的大选中肯定能获胜。

　　In contrast with previous anti-globalisation protests, many of the latest ones seem to havestarted spontaneously. In some cases, what began as freelance events gradually linked upwith protests in other cities and other countries as they gained momentum. That keepstechnology-minded activists busy exchanging messages and tactics, but it does not amount toan orchestrated global push.

　　和以前的反对全球化的抗议活动相比，近来的很多活动都是自发的。在一些情况下，一些起初的自由活动随着声势的加强逐渐和其他省市或国家的抗议活动联系了起来。这使得善于利用技术的活动者们忙于交换信息和对策，但这并不是一场协同一致的全球性活动。

　　The scene across Europe is similar. A tent city outside St Pauls Cathedral in London, bestknown for royal weddings, is festooned with slogans, chiefly bashing bankers . A friendly cathedral cleric persuaded police not to move the protest, atleast for now . Joanna Wilde, a chatty Australianwho works in tourism, says she will stay till we get what we wanteven if, as in America, whatthat might be is unclear. Her pal Jan wants more equality and empathy. Jamie Lee, a studentwashing cups in a makeshift kitchen, says the camp is the beginning of the end of globalcapitalism. A ten-point list of demands blasts tax havens and the influence of business overpolitics.

　　欧洲的情况同美国差不多。著名的皇室婚礼举行地圣保罗教堂外支起了一个个帐篷，帐篷上面贴满了标语，标语的主要内容都是抨击银行家的。一位有好的教堂神职人员劝说警方不要把抗议者们赶走，至少因为现在时机不合适。在旅游行业工作的健谈的澳大利亚人Joanna Wilde说在得不到我们想要的她就不离开。尽管她这样说，我们想要的同在美国一样，获取不清楚是什么。她的朋友Jan希望更加平等，更加相通。在一个临时帐篷里洗杯子的学生Jamie Lee说抗议活动是全球资本主义瓦解的开始。一个列有十个要求的清单上批判避税天堂和商业对于政治的影响。

　　Protests in Germany are more middle-class and even more focused. They have unleashedan overdue debate on the countrys universal banks. A 20-year-old called Wolfram Sienerbested two leading financiers on television. Wolfgang Sch?uble, the finance minister, said theprotests should be taken seriously. Sigmar Gabriel, leader of the opposition Social Democrats,said banks and the financial markets had worked massively against the commongoodbecause politicians let them. AttacDeutschland, a longer-standing anti-globalisation group, joined up with Occupy Frankfurt. Theywant to tax wealth and bank profits, and to break up big banks.

　　德国的抗议活动的参与者多来自中产阶级，而且目标更加集中。他们引发了一场就该国全能银行迟来的辩论。20多岁的Wolfram Siener在电视辩论中打败了两位著名的金融界人士。财政部长Wolfgang Sch?uble认为应该认真对待此次抗议活动。在野党社会民主党党首Sigmar Gabriel认为银行和金融市场极力破坏公共利益，因为是受政客们所使。长期的，全球化组织Attac Deutschland参加了占领法兰克福运动。他们希望对富人和银行利润征税，解散大银行。

　　Italy is very different. Banks there have not needed bailing out. Discontent among youngItalians stems rather from burning resentment at the lack of opportunity in an economy thathas been at a virtual standstill for more than ten years. But that does not explain the violence.Minutes after the start of a peaceful march by several tens of thousands through the centre ofRome, masked protesters looted a supermarket, defiled a church, set cars alight and battledpolice in a square near a cathedral. A crude bomb planted outside a bank badly injured apeaceful protester who tried to move it to safety. Italys interior minister, Roberto Maroni,rightly noted that the clashes could have been lethal. A detachment of riot police narrowlyescaped from an armoured van that was set alight by the protesters and exploded.

　　意大利的情况不同。当地银行不需要政府纾困。实际上意大利经济已经十多年都停滞不前，人们对于缺少发展机会表示愤恨，意大利年轻人的不满则更是因此不满。但这并不是暴力活动的原因。成年上万的人在罗马市中心和平游行几分钟后，一些头戴面具的抗议者们就抢劫了一家超市，践踏了一所教堂，烧毁了车辆，在一大教堂附近的广场上同警察产生冲突。一个放置在银行外面的土炸弹把一个试图将其运走的和平示威者炸成重伤。意大利内政部长Roberto Maroni说的很正确，这些冲突可能是致命的。一个被抗议者点燃后爆炸的装甲小货车险些夺走了一个制止暴乱的警察小分队的人的性命。

　　Some blame poor work by police demoralised by pay cuts. Mr Maroni wants tougher powersagainst protests and the mayor has banned marches for a month. Some blame communities offar-leftists who are mostly ex-squatters. One in Turin, called Askatasuna, carried a statementon its website that celebrated mass resistance and sacred rage against austerity.

　　一些人责备警察们因为薪水减少意志消沉，工作做得不好。Maroni先生希望采取更加严厉的措施打击抗议活动，罗马市长下令禁止在该市举行游行，为期一个月。一些人批评了极左势力的人的团体，这些人中的大部分人曾经都擅自占用过别人的土地。都灵的 Askatasuna社团在其网站上发表声明支持人们就紧缩措施的反对和不用质疑的愤怒。

　　Two dangers await the campers. One is capture by outsiders, either opportunistic or batty,who wish to revive Trotskyism or bash America. Such causes may draw more support fromenthusiasts, but for the mainstream that merely worries about reckless banks and a saggingeconomy, they make the protests look tired and familiar, not new and fresh.

　　抗议者们面对两大危险。第一个被外部人所利用，这些人不是机会主义者就是笨头笨脑。他们希望复兴托洛茨基主义或打垮美国。这些理由或许能从热烈支持者那里得到更多的支持。但是对于那些担心鲁莽的银行及衰退的经济的主流群体而言，这些人让这些抗议活动看起来俗套无味，没有新鲜感。

　　The second danger is that the protest consumes its own energy. Managing a large camp site ina city centre means mundane attention to detail, from toilets to rules on loud music, drugs,smoking and drinking. Keeping going will get harder as the weather chills. On top of that comethe problems of managing proceedings in what is in effect a huge debating society, in whicheveryone has a say, and speeches are relayed by human microphoneschanted sentence bysentence by the participants. All that gets tedious after a while.

　　第二个危险是抗议活动在消耗着自己的力量。在一个城市中心管理一个营地意味着注重从厕所到大声音乐，毒品，抽烟，喝酒规定等的细节问题，这是很乏味的。随着天气变冷，继续坚持下去将变得更加困难。除此之外，还有在这个实际上是一个大的辩论社会中管理过程的问题。着这个社会里人人都有发言权，发言都是由人力麦克风传递的，参与者们亿一句接一句的把发言传递下去。这样不久便会变得乏味起来。

　　The protests vague message chimes with a public sense of unfocused dismay. But this is notyet having any clear effect on politics, or the wider course of events. Crucially, most protestslack the sort of support from organised labour that crippled Greece this week. Only if thatchanges can they be a threat to elected governments. The protesters can occupy worldsfinancial markets physically, but they have not shown they can spook them. However if doubtsgrow about the ability of governments in Spain or Italy to enforce tax rises and spending cuts,the result could be a collapse in lenders confidence. With more muscle behind them, theprotesters could yet change the world, though the shift might not be to anyones advantage.

　　抗议者们不清楚的信息和公共没有中心失落感一致。但这对政治或是更大范围的的事件上并没有产生明确的影响。关键的是，大部分的抗议活动缺少本周使希腊经济陷于瘫痪的有组织的工人们的支持。只有改变这种情况，他们才能对当选政府构成威胁。抗议者们可以占领全球的金融市场，但是还没有证明自己可以吓到它们。但是如果人们对西班牙或意大利政府提高税收，削减开支的能力更加怀疑，那么结果可能使借贷国家对其丧失信心。抗议者们影响力日渐增加，他们总有一天能改变世界，尽管这样的改变并不是对每个人都有利。